Like many Zimbabweans, I spent most of Wednesday 22 August
2018, following Constitutional Court proceedings. What captivated me the most
was the presentation from Nelson Chamisa’s lawyer Advocate Thabani Mpofu. By the way I voted for Mr Mnangagwa and a Zanu-PF MP. The
judges kept on questioning him as it should be. I am also inclined to agree
with the observation from Senator David Coltart that the lawyers for ZEC and Mr
Mnangagwa seemed to have gotten a free pass from the judges. This also brings
with itself another unspoken issue among Zimbabweans, is the Zimbabwean
judiciary truly independent? It was not lost on me that the current chairperson
of ZEC is herself a judge of the high court. The previous chairperson of ZEC
being the one who sat on the March 2008 presidential election results for a
month is himself a judge president.
Then there is Justice
Chinembiri Bhunu who presided over the case where MDC activists were sentenced
to 20 years for the murder of a police officer on what some argue was flimsy
evidence. Justice Chinembiri Bhunu is
part of the Constitutional court judges presiding on the election petition. From
what I have seen on social media, the majority of Zimbabweans seemed to have
reached a consensus that Nelson Chamisa will lose this case. I agree with Advocate
Thabani Mpofu that this election was fixed by ZEC for the benefit Mr Mnangagwa.If
we consider the two thirds majority that Zanu-PF attained in parliament, this
was also fixed by ZEC in order to benefit Zanu-PF. If one looks at the actual
valid votes cast for candidates, you will notice total number of votes cast in
urban MP seats is general higher as compared to rural MP seats; there was a
deliberate attempt to have less number of MP seats in urban areas and more in
the rural areas in order to benefit Zanu-PF.
In my view the so called two thirds majorities that Zanu-PF
attained in parliament does not really represent the will of the people. For example ZEC split UMP into two seats
namely Uzumba and Maramba Pfungwe and yet for example Epworth that has a bigger
voting population is still one parliamentary seat. Another example is that if one takes four
rural seats in Matebeleland namely Gwanda North, Gwanda South, Matobo South and
Insiza South, the combined votes for the four seats are far less than Goromonzi
South an urban seat. For example Harare province was allocated 28 seats when it
should have around 38 seats as it has about 18% of the country’s voter
population.
As individuals based both in and out of the country, we have
to make decisions on our future regardless of the decision of the court this
afternoon. Ever since the first disputed election in 2000, individuals would
make decisions of whether to emigrate from the country or not. After each disputed
election the country’s economy would suffer. Just imagine an investor coming to
invest in a country where the election was clearly stolen and a court of law
condoning such an election conduct. What outcome should that investor expect
should he or she take his dispute to the same court of law?
The few questions that I can’t seem to get an answer. Why
did Mr Mnangagwa rush to announce an election soon after the coup? Where they
going to hand over power so soon after removing Mr Mugabe? Why waste so much
money to hold a sham election that leaves the country so divided? I still
remember the unity across political divide on 18 November 2017 when we marched
to State House to demand Mr Mugabe’s resignation. Why did Mr Mnangagwa not put
together a unity government for a few years to sort out the economy first? Why
hold an election when you know that you won’t abide by the will of the people?
These immortal words from the late Morgan Tsvangirai are
true even today, “Zanu-PF can rig an election, but they can’t rig the economy”.
The tragedy is that it ordinary people who will suffer due to a failing
economy.
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